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There are many bodies that make decisions that have to do with language policy. An institution of higher education, or an upper secondary school that adopts English instead of Danish as its language of instruction. A company that introduces a foreign language as Group language. Media, whose products use an international or a minority language rather than a national language. A school which assigns immigrant languages important functions. Officials in Brussels who administrate EU programmes the aims of which are to bring about a more multilingual Europe. Danish politicians and bureaucrats within the EU who switch between using their national language, Danish, and the major European languages. The Danish Ministry of Education, when it gives higher priority to foreign languages and decides that immigrant children's opportunities to learn their mother tongue shall be the same as those which exist for Danish children.

All such decisions have far-reaching social consequences. They are important at the individual and local level, since they relate to linguistic identity as well as linguistic functionality. At the same time, they can contribute to certain languages becoming larger and others smaller. They play a crucial role in the ways in which democracy functions.

Languages are playing a central role in the present processes of integration in Western Europe. Foreign language teaching is being ascribed considerable responsibility by planners for the creation of understanding between peoples as well as in the acquisition of skills that can contribute to the formation of a new, different Europe. The major languages have a very obvious utility value. At the same time, there is increased recognition of the fact that minority languages - both native and immigrant - have certain rights.

What is Denmark doing in this exciting, labile language policy area? How is Denmark officially ensuring that language policy objectives are being clarified, selected and reached at a time when all institutions are aware of the need for long-term, strategic planning?

A host of isolated experiments are taking place in the education system. Many languages are used in Denmark and by Danes abroad for a wide range of purposes. Investigations of well-defined areas exist, e.g. an early start to foreign languages (i.e. English). But are there people in institutions of higher education, in ministries or in companies that are working intensively on what is called in English language planning or language management - that which the French refer to as l'aménagement linguistique - concepts which refer to conscious efforts to identify and promote certain language policy objectives?

No. The fact is that Denmark is doing incomprehensibly little in this field. Everybody knows that a small country like Denmark is completely dependent on competence in several languages. Everybody familiar with the education system and political life knows that mastery of foreign languages is far worse than it should and could be. Everybody knows that minority languages, especially immigrant languages, have unfavourable conditions reflecting their marginal status. Many people know that a great deal of language policy research and language planning is taking place abroad from which Denmark could learn and benefit

As far as I know, there is no permanent post in language policy, language sociology, language planning, bilingualism or minority education issues at any educational institution in Denmark. Nor is there anyone in the ministries (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Research, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Trade & Industry) who has language policy as his or her main responsibility.

The situation outside Denmark is completely different - not only in countries that have long since acknowledged the fact that they are polyglot (Canada, USA, India, Finland) but also in countries with which we normally compare ourselves. In Norway, internationalisation and possible entry into the EU have resulted in preparations getting under way to meet new, polyglot challenges. A Sami language act has come into force that is an inspiration to other native minorities. In the Netherlands, politicians, business people and researchers have cooperated in drawing up a National Action Programme for Foreign Languages that was accepted by the government in 1991. The programme is now being implemented. In Australia, a National Policy on Languages from 1987 marks the transition from devoting all efforts to solely promoting English to a policy that aims at respect and development of all languages in the country in order to meet new cultural and economic challenges. Even in monoglot France francophonie is now part of a polyglot reality.

Danish language policy is relatively unspoken and unreflective. This in spite of the fact that many Danes love both their native language and foreign languages. And in spite of the fact that the Ministry of Education is seeking to improve the quality of teaching and to promote linguistic awareness. The main responsibility for language policy is in the hands of politicians and officials who are preoccupied with a host of other things as well. Passivity risks resulting in modern language policy goals not being achieved. That means that language planning and the linked educational planning takes place in a less qualified way than it ought.

The Minister of Education has promised that more money will be forthcoming for research. What could be more important for Danish language and culture than clarification of what language policy would best serve everybody's future interests?

Robert Phillipson has written about the same subject in Linguistic Imperialism (Oxford University Press, 1992), and has edited Linguistic Human Rights with Tove Skutnabb-Kangas (Mouton de Gruyter, 1994) as well as Uddannelse af minoriteter [Education of minorities] with Tove Skutnabb-Kangas and Anne Holmen (Royal Danish School of Educational Studies, 1993).

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